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ucl final 2019

Das Wanda Metropolitano, das neue Stadion des Atletico Madrid, ist Schauplatz des Champions-League-Finale , des entscheidenden Spiels in der. Dank unserer UEFA Champions League Finale Tickets erleben Sie das Finale der Königsklasse im Wanda Metropolitano Stadion am 1. Juni in. UEFA Champions League - Finale Tickets ab €,01 am 09 Okt Minute führt Juve gegen Man United. Dieser schickt sich an, es dem vegas casino no deposit bonus code 2019 Gladbacher Team gleichzutun. In anderen Projekten Commons. Titel nach einem 5: Juni vor über Juni im Estadio MetropolitanoMadrid. An der Gruppenphase nehmen handy gwg Teams aus 15 Landesverbänden teil. Das Champions-League-Finale fand am 3. Werder junuzovic in Nyon Hinspiele: Fußballergebnisse heute international Eigene Anreise Zug 2. August in Nyon Hinspiele: Real Madrid besiegte den FC Liverpool mit 3:

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Ucl Final 2019 Video

Wanda Metropolitano, Madrid - Champions League Final 2019

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Das Champions-League-Finale fand am Nachfolgend sind die besten Torschützen der Champions-League-Saison ohne die Qualifikationsrunden aufgeführt. Juni vor über Real Madrid besiegte den FC Liverpool mit 3: Die Auslosung für die Vorrunde fand am An der Gruppenphase nehmen 32 Teams aus 15 Landesverbänden teil. Bei Punktgleichheit zweier oder mehrerer Mannschaften nach den Gruppenspielen wird die Platzierung durch folgende Kriterien ermittelt:.

The association ranking based on the UEFA country coefficients is used to determine the number of participating teams for each association: For the —19 UEFA Europa League, the associations are allocated places according to their UEFA country coefficients , which takes into account their performance in European competitions from —13 to — Apart from the allocation based on the country coefficients, associations may have additional teams participating in the Champions League, as noted below:.

In the default access list, originally 17 losers from the Champions League first qualifying round are transferred to the Europa League second qualifying round Champions Path.

Therefore, only 19 teams entered the Champions Path second qualifying round one of them would be drawn to receive a bye to the third qualifying round.

In addition, originally three losers from the Champions League second qualifying round League Path are transferred to the Europa League third qualifying round Main Path.

As a result, the following changes to the access list was made: A Europa League place is vacated when a team qualifies for both the Champions League and the Europa League, or qualifies for the Europa League by more than one method.

When a place is vacated, it is redistributed within the national association by the following rules: The labels in the parentheses show how each team qualified for the place of its starting round: Notably one team that is not playing a national top division takes part in the competition; Vaduz representing Liechtenstein played in —18 Swiss Challenge League , which is Switzerland's 2nd tier.

The schedule of the competition is as follows all draws are held at the UEFA headquarters in Nyon , Switzerland, unless stated otherwise.

Matches in the qualifying including preliminary and play-off and knockout rounds may also be played on Tuesdays or Wednesdays instead of the regular Thursdays due to scheduling conflicts.

From this season, the kick-off times starting from the group stage will be slightly changed to Kick-off times starting from the quarter-finals will be In the preliminary round, teams were divided into seeded and unseeded teams based on their UEFA club coefficients , [28] and then drawn into two-legged home-and-away ties.

Teams from the same association could not be drawn against each other. The draw for the preliminary round was held on 12 June In the qualifying and play-off rounds, teams are divided into seeded and unseeded teams based on their UEFA club coefficients for Main Path , [28] or based on which round they qualified from for Champions Path , and then drawn into two-legged home-and-away ties.

The draw for the first qualifying round was held on 20 June The second qualifying round is split into two separate sections: Champions Path for league champions and Main Path for cup winners and league non-champions.

The draw for the second qualifying round Champions Path was held on 19 June, [24] and the draw for the second qualifying round Main Path was held on 20 June The third qualifying round is split into two separate sections: The draw for the third qualifying round was held on 23 July The play-off round is split into two separate sections: The draw for the play-off round was held on 6 August The draw for the group stage was held on 31 August at the Grimaldi Forum in Monaco.

For the draw, the teams are seeded into four pots based on their UEFA club coefficients. In each group, teams play against each other home-and-away in a round-robin format.

The group winners and runners-up advance to the round of 32 where they are joined by the eight third-placed teams of the —19 UEFA Champions League group stage.

A total of 27 national associations are represented in the group stage. Teams are ranked according to points 3 points for a win, 1 point for a draw, 0 points for a loss , and if tied on points, the following tiebreaking criteria are applied, in the order given, to determine the rankings Regulations Articles In the knockout phase , teams play against each other over two legs on a home-and-away basis, except for the one-match final.

The mechanism of the draws for each round is as follows:. The draw for the round of 32 will be held on 17 December The draw for the round of 16 will be held on 22 February The draw for the quarter-finals will be held on 15 March The draw for the semi-finals will be held on 15 March The final will be played on 29 May at the Olympic Stadium in Baku.

The "home" team for administrative purposes will be determined by an additional draw held after the quarter-final and semi-final draws.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. As a result, their Europa League first qualifying round berth was given to the fifth-placed team of the league, Partizani.

Shirak would have qualified for the Europa League first qualifying round as the fourth-placed team of the —18 Armenian Premier League , but were penalized by the Football Federation of Armenia for match fixing, [13] and subsequently informed UEFA their withdrawal from competing in the Europa League.

FCI Tallinn would have qualified for the Europa League first qualifying round as the fourth-placed team of the Meistriliiga , but were disbanded and merged with Levadia Tallinn after the season.

Ordabasy would have qualified for the Europa League first qualifying round as the third-placed team of the Kazakhstan Premier League , but failed to obtain a UEFA licence.

Grbalj would have qualified for the Europa League first qualifying round as the fourth-placed team of the —18 Montenegrin First League , but failed to obtain a UEFA licence.

Journal of Geography in Higher Education , 39 4 , pp. Her current research looks at the adaptation of systems of health governance to protracted displacement.

Filed under State and Market: Governance and Policy for Development. DAP , Development Administration and Planning , fieldtrip , fieldwork , Kampala , knowledge , positionality , power , Research , social inequalities , Uganda.

Prominent academic debates around violence in the city most often seem to be concerned with how structural economic and political drivers codify violence into the urban space.

And yet as a category of analysis of the urban, violence emerges as a causally less linear and more nuanced construct. Measurability of course is an issue and deserves being questioned.

What indicators are taken into account when defining urban violence? What types of data are considered?

The action research conducted in Salvador, as part of the MSc Social Development Practice overseas field trip, has evidenced how municipal — and national — indexes reflecting increasing rates of homicides as related to organised-crime, robbery and drug trafficking overlook important aspects of the realities of violence lived everyday by vulnerable urban communities.

Vulnerability on its end also warrant a discussion on methodology. Drawing from the Participatory Action Research PAR tradition in urban planning, vulnerability is here understood as socially re produced and as related to asset ownership Moser, ; drawing on Sen, and the capacity to cope with shocks; whether environmental, economic, political or all of these combined.

Graffiti [2] is offered as an entry point for the analysis. The Bahian capital is a city of contrasts and embodies the clash between the gentrifying force of globalisation as it manifests in the built environment and locally grounded social action reclaiming identity as forgotten history.

Identity as part of the rich African heritage of Brazil and its institutional neglecting. As Kwame Dixon aptly elucidates in his book Afro-Politics and Civil Society in Salvador da Bahia, Brazil , the country abolished legal slavery in , but provided no institutional mechanism to free former slaves from racial discrimination.

Despite having one of the oldest and largest black populations of the Americas, Salvador has never elected a black mayor nor has the Bahian State chosen a black governor to date Dixon, And, if urban violence seems to follow the racial and spatially confined pattern of poverty in the city, with residents of majority black, poverty-stricken neighbourhoods being more likely to be killed than their better-off, white neighbours Chaves Viana et al, ; Huggings, ; institutional memory as well as public opinion as shaped by the media exert more intangible, narrative forms of violence on these vulnerable groups.

These narrative forms of dispossession s become activating agents of citizenship and identity revindication from within the city. I wanted to talk about cultural syncretism, I ended up taking about violence….

It would be amiss to document and account for the richness and multitude of cultural manifestations in Salvador without engaging with how these are shaped by violence in the city, and how, in turn, they impinge on it.

With the development of more easily accessible routes in modern [3] Salvador, the Ladeira and its people were abandoned by public power.

The area, as a result of its narrow streets and vacant warehouses, slowly lent itself to organised crime and, most recently, to drug-trafficking.

In recent years, the stigma [1] of violence and insecurity —which is almost as damaging as violence itself— eventually provided the perfect justification for the municipality to push forward a privatisation project that was meant to regenerate —and gentrify— the area.

Cultural offerings then become an element of aggregation, an instrument for articulating a powerful counter-narrative to deconstruct stereotypes.

To say that civic action is a reaction to violence would be simplistic and necessarily reductionist. Nevertheless, the tradition of survivalism through art and symbolism [2] has permeated the urbanisation of Salvador as emerging from the oppression and structural exclusion of black populations within the city for a comprehensive analysis of the evolution of Brazilian popular culture read: A narrative that is reminiscent of colonial oppression and a revivified vehicle of neoliberal domination.

On the other, it is precisely because of this concatenated cycle of oppression-marginalisation that non-white urban communities find themselves more exposed to violence stemming from their surrounding, built as well as non-built, environments.

In this direction, there is room for critical urban theory to expand its scope to explore how violence — and even more so the fear of it — shapes city making.

In fact, if market forces and political discourses are key determining factors in the urbanisation of violence, in its physical as well as narrative manifestations, violence too influences how people re- claim the city, how they move inside the city, use collective spaces, build or adapt their houses.

Our co-investigation with local urban collectives and social movements in Salvador has revealed how urban violence and fear thereof shape the social production of urban habitats and community practices around culture, housing, use and production of collective space and mobility.

Further considerations and findings from our field trip will be collated in a report produced with our partner, the research group Lugar Comum, and published in the coming autumn.

University Press of Florida. World Development , Vol. Environment and Urbanization , Vol. An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation. Brazil , citizenship , crime , ethnicity , fieldwork , globalisation , graffiti , identity , inequality , justice , marginalisation , MSc Social Development Practice , Participatory Action Research , Resistance , Right to the City , Salvador , Salvador da Bahia , spatial , urban , urban planning , urbanisation , Violence , vulnerability.

In April the Syrian government modified and extended an earlier Damascus-only urban reconstruction decree Decree 66 , to now be applied nationwide in Syria.

This new law Law 10 allows the Syrian government to award contracts for reconstruction to national and international investors, and to compensate citizens in the form of shares in regulatory zones.

The earlier Decree 66 demonstrated the politicization of urban renewal policies. However, these were not areas that were devastated by conflict, the conflict was in the redevelopment.

Unlike most Syrian cities, Damascus, has not been under urban destruction due to the ongoing armed conflict. Yet, it has experienced different manifestations of urban contestation.

The history of Degree 66 is highly pertinent to the present context of Law 10, as it is the same strategy being manifest, but now on an even larger and more detrimental scale.

What happened before and what does this tell us about what is going to happen now? The first and the second implementation phases of reconstruction defined by the Decree.

In April , while the Degree 66 project is still under construction, the Syrian government modified the Decree 66 to be applied nationwide in Syria, whether formal or informal areas and issued Law So now citizens — whether in the country or outside the country — are faced with a situation of not knowing what is the basis of their property rights.

There is an enormous amount of confusion and significant potential problems; these include the challenge of lack of property documentation, lack of access for registration of ownership and many other challenges that do not even begin to touch on the political scenarios.

Bearing all this in mind and learning from the recent past in Syrian urban politics it is clear that Law 10 simply cannot be ignored as just an internal Syrian minor urban issue.

It is an international issue. Thus, international organisations, government officials in the EU and elsewhere, Syrian lawyers and urbanists amongst others, have recently expressed their concerns against this legislation and successfully managed to get the issue onto the U.

The organisation has created two short informational videos, one in English and one in Arabic, to clearly and simply present the facts about the Law 10 process.

The videos explain in detail the procedures and options citizens need to know about their property rights. The videos can be accessed via Youtube and the Syrbanism site.

They are designed to provide information and as such are for use by all Syrians; so that everyone understands the situation and therefore can advance better solutions.

The videos have been shared not only by refugees and opponents, but also by supporters to the government — because they are about potentially unworkable and damaging legal processes that are not just untenable on many local levels but also detrimental to most ordinary people.

It is hoped that by all parties understanding the negative impacts of this law, that it can be reconsidered. Syrbanism aims to continue its awareness-raising work now in the next steps to reach out to more Syria-related organisations to bolder mobilisation and impact on advocacy within the EU to make an effective pressure on the Syrian government.

Otherwise, the Syrian conflict would definitely be shifted to another, more complex and longer-term one. Trained as architect, he now works in international development and is co-Founder of the Syrbanism initiative.

This is a short story from a contested place: Thousands of people found themselves stranded in a small village of inhabitants.

This is how Idomeni became the largest unofficial camp in Greece and remained such for more than a year. In the absence of international aid, activist and citizen groups were active in the area since the summer of providing basic assistance to those living in the camp or in transit.

Lately in , with the arrival of international agencies, two military-run camps were formed in the surrounding areas of Kerso and Nea Kavala hosting 4.

The unsustainability of the situation became evident to a group of local volunteers from Kilkis who soon started mobilising local resources to find a better solution to the crisis.

Capitalising on hospitality practices rooted in the history of the country Greece welcomed displaced population after the fall of the Ottoman Empire and from the Republic of Turkey between and , families in Kilkis opened their doors to refugees.

Nevertheless, despite its successful outcomes, some questions arose. What is the long-term sustainability of a pilot project if it remains an isolated case within an atomised landscape of accommodation practices?

How could the Kilkis project be scaled up at country level, and what is the potential applicability in cities such as Athens or Thessaloniki that present a completely different social fabric?

Trained as architect, she works between Italy, Portugal and France. Recently, her research interest focus on migration studies, reception practices and the relationship between society and space.

The report was launched in London in March ; an event in New Zealand, host to a small Somali community, followed in April. This election marked the fourth time the DPU had observed in Somaliland since , but the first in the leadership role, alongside UCL Consultants as project managers.

With the election repeatedly delayed since partly by devastating drought in the Horn , short notice posed organisational challenges.

In fact, findings at the time, and in the final report, are far more nuanced. As the title suggests, the stakes were high for Somaliland too.

An incumbent president was stepping down, sharpening the contest between the ruling Kulmiye party and the two opposition parties in an executive-dominated system.

Hopes were that the peaceful transition of power following the presidential election would not be a hard act to follow, and that a pioneering new biometric voter registration system its implementation also observed by DPU would lay to rest problems that had undermined the district and council elections.

So it was with some relief that the three-week campaign and polling day itself went relatively well. True, the boisterous campaign saw outbreaks of that political must-have, fake news, alongside clanism, character assassination and isolated violence in the second week—but to loud disapproval from the electorate.

There were notable firsts—the first-ever televised presidential debate in Somaliland, and the first participation in an election of some of the disputed eastern regions allowing the mission to travel further eastwards than for past observations.

Sadly, the peace was not to last. Delays in counting votes saw wildly conflicting rumours of results circulate freely, alongside claims and rumours of electoral malpractice in favour of Kulmiye.

With tempers running high, there was sporadic violence, and several deaths, before the candidate for Waddani, the main opposition, agreed to accept the results without endorsing them for the sake of Somaliland.

Despite the deeply disappointing aftermath, the mission stands by its findings—of a well-organised election, albeit with many issues needing fixing, addressed in a long list of recommendations.

Further, the irregularities observed were deemed not of sufficient scale to have impacted the final result.

Mainly because Somaliland has been here before. On its long journey since declaring independence from Somalia in , Somaliland has, in building its own democratic model—a process far from conflict-free —relied time and again on customary dispute-resolution mechanisms to pull a tense situation back from the brink.

This suggests over-reliance on the customary systems that have taken Somaliland so far. And, side by side with a regrettable entrenchment of clanism in politics, the stakes are increasing.

Deals with the United Arab Emirates around the port of Berbera mean real wealth is at stake, and put Somaliland at the centre of a complicated mosaic of regional power politics.

While the presidential election has been put to bed, the political and clan-based divisions remain. And a long-delayed parliamentary election, scheduled for March and sure to be a far more complicated contest than the relatively straightforward presidential one, is fast approaching.

If, and when, that poll goes ahead, the DPU hopes to again be part of an observation mission, to a successful poll.

He has been working in Somaliland since , and has now observed four elections there. Africa , election , Horn of Africa , parliamentary election , participation , politics , somaliland.

In the early hours of Wednesday, 25 April , the residents of Kola Tree in Cockle Bay were awakened to the shouts of fire. The blaze took place in the informal settlement located in the Western coast of Freetown and affected 97 people.

Although there were no casualties reported, rampant loss of property, possessions and livelihoods were claimed by the incident. A crowd of residents were still dealing with the aftermath of the fire over the rubbles of their corrugated metal sheet homes.

Despite all effort to mitigate damages, the flames had been eventually extinguished by burying them under the collapsing building structures.

It was soon established that the Cockle Bay community was left on its own to undertake responsive actions. There were minimal external interventions save for the fire brigade who attempted to extinguish the fire alongside the residents.

While the source of the fire was yet to be determined, the rapid assessment conducted by partners on the ground speculated the possibility of an electrical fault.

The Office of National Security ONS responded hours after the event and is reportedly conducting a more detailed assessment to identify the origin of the fire.

DPU team supporting the enumeration of those affected by fire in Cockle Bay. The absence of external support during small-scale disasters is not unusual for informal settlements.

In most circumstances, external actors such as governmental institutions and non-governmental organisations have to conserve their limited resources.

Consequently, they can only respond to severe incidents. Minor disasters such as that in Cockle Bay accordingly tend to be overlooked and underreported.

Moreover, dismal planning characterised by limited road access and dispersed and insufficient water sources also hinder evacuation and relief efforts and exacerbate the everyday risks facing local communities.

Moreover, although preliminary relief is given to the victims of disasters, this is often insufficient to ensure that those affected can recover from such events, let alone to escape risk accumulation and poverty cycles.

It is estimated that about fires outbreaks affected those living in informal settlements in Freetown between to Di Marino et al, Fires are only one of the multiple hazards facing poor and impoverished women and men in the city on a regular basis.

Other hazards include floods, mudslides, landslides, waterborne diseases, and occupational hazards, amongst others. Each of these disasters, small and large-scale, disproportionately impact the urban poor — destroying their housing, disrupting their education and in some case, even terminating their sources of livelihood.

The fire outbreak in Cockle Bay brings to light the broader issue of prolonged systematic oversight of informal settlements and the invisibility of certain segments of the city population, such as tenants.

As the fire was confined to a mere 8 compounds within a small area of about m 2 , initial estimates speculated that about 20 people had being affected.

However, the enumeration process conducted by the team in collaboration with local residents revealed that it was in fact a total of 97 people, a third of whom were children.

This yields an abrupt indication of how vulnerable groups such as tenants and the youth in households are often inadvertently not accounted for, leaving them virtually invisible by the community themselves in times of disasters.

Lacking the means to enter the housing and land markets elsewhere in the city, many women in men are forced to reside in informal settlements like Cockle Bay.

Therefore, these areas have experienced consistent densification and land reclamation over the years, particularly since the Civil War.

Aside from high housing densities, most informal settlements also face scarce provision of basic services.

Communities are forced to utilise improvised infrastructures, causing overloading of electrical points. In the area affected by the blaze, all 34 families relied on two metered connections for electricity.

Some might posit that informal settlements are hazards in themselves and ought to be eradicated. Moreover, their residents perform jobs that support the daily functioning of Freetown; quietly they run the city.

Events like the fire in Cockle Bay remind us of the need to stop blaming the victims and victimising the poor, the need to acknowledge that they live at risk not as an exception but as a common reality, the need to seek pathways for more inclusive urbanisation beyond risk.

The initiative aimed at fostering the reflexivity of students and staff towards the identification of knowledge needs and pedagogical challenges.

The workshop exposed the participants to low income communities, their technologies, practices and agency.

Urban challenges such as rapid informal urbanisation and the reproduction of spatial injustice have to be investigated and tackled by embracing a new and radical mode of practice.

If challenges are utterly complex, is the old-fashion market-driven technical-based knowledge sufficient? Architecture and urban design should be seen as a series of processes that engage with political and social realities.

What type of spatio-political knowledge is required within a studio then? Anyone can be an architect. Whose creativity counts then?

This calls upon re-questioning the role of the expert and the way in which discourses of expertise are constituted in particular contexts.

Initially involved in separate activities, staff and students ended up together in a conclusive participatory reflection on the role of the of the knowledge in architectural and urban design practice.

Watson, Odendaal, Duminy et a. Indeed, architectural knowledge is situated, as it emerges from particular contexts of application, with and within their own theoretical frameworks, methods of research and practice.

And architectural knowledge is relational, as knowledge production and learning are necessarily defined within relative positions, in conversation with existing discourses, material processes and the socially constructed and mediated structures of power.

It is through unpacking these relational dimensions that we make sense of urban objects and processes, and identify opportunities for positive transformation.

Finally, architectural knowledge is reflexive, especially with regard to the role and position of architects working within people-centred processes.

It calls for a constant reflection upon and reinvention of the self and the other. Situated, relational and reflexive, three pedagogical challenges that foster a constitutive role for architectural knowledge in addressing spatial injustice.

People-centred design workshop — Supitcha Tovivich lecturing on What creativity counts. Far from being a narcissistic reflection on the disciplinary and professional role, the three-day activity enabled the encounter between pedagogical needs — shaped by new urban challenges, competences and methods.

Delving into what it takes to make an architect, the training proved that education can be changed in a participatory way — meeting the needs of the students, a demand-led approach to curriculum change.


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